ISS power point.pptx - ISS Africa
A reservist is “a member of the community who performs policing du>es or ac>vi>es for the SAPS on a voluntary basis without being paid for those services.” (SAPS, 2013)
• • • • • • • •
There are 4 types (mostly concerned with A) Work is not remunerated Must work a minimum of 16 hours a month Must have a grade 12 Must have employment elsewhere Can wear the iden>cal uniform to regular officers Carry out the same func>on as regular officers Receive 3 months part-‐>me training
Based on broader research • Informed in and through difference: The perspec>ves of suburban reservists
– Made use of a mosaic of theories which consider society and histpry without losing individual voices – Asked how police reservists perceive their role in the SAPS? – Asked how these percep>ons are normalised through and based on difference? – Found that reservists felt their posi>ons in SAPS were fragile – Found that reasons for joining, staying and the ways the labour was u>lised were ar>culated through race, class, and gender
Analysis of discourses • Pu^ng on the uniforms – White hobby/black opportunity – The normal men
• Recruitment and suitability for the job – Essen>al construc>ons of femininity and masculinity – A dance of percep>ons
• The uniform fe>sh – Feared changes and the conflict of subjec>vity – Discipline: The art of rank (and hierarchies)
Today’s presenta>on • Focus on one theme White hobby/Black opportunity • Looks at how perspec>ves on mo>va>on are raciailised and classed (implicitly gendered) and can illustrate broader social/historical processes as well as internal organisa>onal processes and issues
Why is this important? • In Gauteng reservists make a sizeable temporary work force – 7 528 which is between 16-‐19% of the en>re SAPS workforce
• Like normal officers: – They are symbols of the state – They are used for state pursuits – They connect the state and public
• Important component of community policing ini>a>ves • There has been a moratorium on recruitment and promo>ons since April 2009 and a new Na>onal Instruc>on is expected • No academic work on them despite being in existence since the early 60s
The interviews • Snowball method • 23 reservists in total
– 14 individual semi-‐structured – 2 focus groups (4 and 5 people) – Over-‐represented by white men (17) • Issue of area
• Ad-‐hoc discussions with permanent members (12) • Ride alongs and surveys • Cri>cal analysis of discourses
8 of 14 said they joined to help community but said if honest, it was more about fun, such as Captain D (63 year old, white male)
CD: The ulterior mo>ve I think was, at that stage, I’m a lijle ashamed to say just the adrenaline. It was -‐-‐. In those days if somebody asked me why I was a police reservist or -‐-‐. To us there’s no such thing as a police reservist, when you’re booked on duty, you’re a policeman full stop. We wear the same uniform, undergo the same training, same weapons, same vehicles, same duty, and same authority. When you booked on duty you are simply a policeman. And when I -‐-‐. If somebody had asked me in those days “Why do you do this?” I would say something noble sounding like “well, it’s a community service and there’s not enough policemen”. Somebody once commented “nonsense, it’s the lijle boy in you s>ll playing cowboys and crooks” and that was probably closer to the truth.
Complex reasons for joining – not binary WOB: … you’ve got us as people who want to serve the community. We want to have fun, we enjoy the camaraderie of being a group and we are a lijle bit elite from the general public and it’s something about the uniform. When we put that uniform on there is a slightly eli>st sort of feeling that we are doing something special and you’ve got the uniform, you’ve got the gun, albeit the gun is sort of a badge of rank in a majer of speaking, and you go out there to do your bit to protect the society but it’s not without altruis>c mo>ves in terms of “Ok that is what I am here for” but there is the excitement and enjoyment of driving fast cars -‐-‐. (Warrant Officer B – 64 year old white male)
Despite complex reasons for joining the no>on of black people looking for job opportuni>es was extremely prevalent in the individual interviews (13/14) Why would one group be so overwhelming aligned with fun and the ‘other’ thought to be wan>ng opportuni>es?
White hobby/black opportunity? • Collapse of professions and race • Collapse of area and race • Inequali>es hidden behind euphemisms of educa>on and employment • Poor reflec>on on history (racial dividend) • Black reservists as pseudo permanent • Triangula>on of race and class (implicitly gender too) • Points to broader social issues of inequality
Racial dividend CFT: Do you think white reservists, the ones you work with here, do you think they want to be permanent force members? CI: To my sta>on, no CFT: Why not? CI: They say salary’s too small and they got already too much responsibility so -‐-‐. If salary was not small they would love to be, they would love to be. CFT: So it’s not that they don’t like the job, the money -‐-‐. CI: The money is a big problem and they’ve already got their own responsibili>es. If the money was OK, believe me most of them would flock, that one I’m sure. (Constable I – 30 year old, black male)
CA: Also as a general rule from what I have seen the white men are generally a lot more affluent. You know so -‐-‐. Not from wealthy areas but they are doing this as a hobby you know-‐-‐ for whatever reason. To help the community. They’ve got a basic job which helps paying for it and it’s generally a much higher paying basic job than most of your black males. CFT: Why do you think that’s important? CA: I think that it’s a -‐-‐. Effec>vely it’s a luxury item. Your white male is in a much bejer paying job -‐-‐ can afford to spend the >me or buy the >me to go reserving as opposed to a black male whose let’s call it painter or manages a small team at a plumbing place and suddenly making ends meet is so much more difficult. So they’ve got less luxury >me to spend in the reserve. (Constable A – 34 year old, white male)
Final remarks • Failure to recognise racial dividend – Society characterised by gross inequali>es (historically informed) – Different worth/value given to labour – Organisa>on that may exploit these crevasses (Constable I, recruitment requirements)
• Further research in different spaces in needed • These findings are part of broader findings which note – Reservists have complex reasons for joining informed both by history and personal experience – Policing is a male excerise, women are alien or anamolies (strong men) – Reservists smooth over difference using symbols such as the unifrom (fe>sh item) – Uncertain of their roles and fear of abjec>on
Thank you! If you are interested in reading the paper Google the >tle Informed in and through difference: The perspec6ves of Johannesburg’s reservists and their role in the SAPS it will the come up in Lund University’s thesis database (LUP) and you can download the document for free. You can contact me on [email protected]
• • • • • • • •
There are 4 types (mostly concerned with A) Work is not remunerated Must work a minimum of 16 hours a month Must have a grade 12 Must have employment elsewhere Can wear the iden>cal uniform to regular officers Carry out the same func>on as regular officers Receive 3 months part-‐>me training
Based on broader research • Informed in and through difference: The perspec>ves of suburban reservists
– Made use of a mosaic of theories which consider society and histpry without losing individual voices – Asked how police reservists perceive their role in the SAPS? – Asked how these percep>ons are normalised through and based on difference? – Found that reservists felt their posi>ons in SAPS were fragile – Found that reasons for joining, staying and the ways the labour was u>lised were ar>culated through race, class, and gender
Analysis of discourses • Pu^ng on the uniforms – White hobby/black opportunity – The normal men
• Recruitment and suitability for the job – Essen>al construc>ons of femininity and masculinity – A dance of percep>ons
• The uniform fe>sh – Feared changes and the conflict of subjec>vity – Discipline: The art of rank (and hierarchies)
Today’s presenta>on • Focus on one theme White hobby/Black opportunity • Looks at how perspec>ves on mo>va>on are raciailised and classed (implicitly gendered) and can illustrate broader social/historical processes as well as internal organisa>onal processes and issues
Why is this important? • In Gauteng reservists make a sizeable temporary work force – 7 528 which is between 16-‐19% of the en>re SAPS workforce
• Like normal officers: – They are symbols of the state – They are used for state pursuits – They connect the state and public
• Important component of community policing ini>a>ves • There has been a moratorium on recruitment and promo>ons since April 2009 and a new Na>onal Instruc>on is expected • No academic work on them despite being in existence since the early 60s
The interviews • Snowball method • 23 reservists in total
– 14 individual semi-‐structured – 2 focus groups (4 and 5 people) – Over-‐represented by white men (17) • Issue of area
• Ad-‐hoc discussions with permanent members (12) • Ride alongs and surveys • Cri>cal analysis of discourses
8 of 14 said they joined to help community but said if honest, it was more about fun, such as Captain D (63 year old, white male)
CD: The ulterior mo>ve I think was, at that stage, I’m a lijle ashamed to say just the adrenaline. It was -‐-‐. In those days if somebody asked me why I was a police reservist or -‐-‐. To us there’s no such thing as a police reservist, when you’re booked on duty, you’re a policeman full stop. We wear the same uniform, undergo the same training, same weapons, same vehicles, same duty, and same authority. When you booked on duty you are simply a policeman. And when I -‐-‐. If somebody had asked me in those days “Why do you do this?” I would say something noble sounding like “well, it’s a community service and there’s not enough policemen”. Somebody once commented “nonsense, it’s the lijle boy in you s>ll playing cowboys and crooks” and that was probably closer to the truth.
Complex reasons for joining – not binary WOB: … you’ve got us as people who want to serve the community. We want to have fun, we enjoy the camaraderie of being a group and we are a lijle bit elite from the general public and it’s something about the uniform. When we put that uniform on there is a slightly eli>st sort of feeling that we are doing something special and you’ve got the uniform, you’ve got the gun, albeit the gun is sort of a badge of rank in a majer of speaking, and you go out there to do your bit to protect the society but it’s not without altruis>c mo>ves in terms of “Ok that is what I am here for” but there is the excitement and enjoyment of driving fast cars -‐-‐. (Warrant Officer B – 64 year old white male)
Despite complex reasons for joining the no>on of black people looking for job opportuni>es was extremely prevalent in the individual interviews (13/14) Why would one group be so overwhelming aligned with fun and the ‘other’ thought to be wan>ng opportuni>es?
White hobby/black opportunity? • Collapse of professions and race • Collapse of area and race • Inequali>es hidden behind euphemisms of educa>on and employment • Poor reflec>on on history (racial dividend) • Black reservists as pseudo permanent • Triangula>on of race and class (implicitly gender too) • Points to broader social issues of inequality
Racial dividend CFT: Do you think white reservists, the ones you work with here, do you think they want to be permanent force members? CI: To my sta>on, no CFT: Why not? CI: They say salary’s too small and they got already too much responsibility so -‐-‐. If salary was not small they would love to be, they would love to be. CFT: So it’s not that they don’t like the job, the money -‐-‐. CI: The money is a big problem and they’ve already got their own responsibili>es. If the money was OK, believe me most of them would flock, that one I’m sure. (Constable I – 30 year old, black male)
CA: Also as a general rule from what I have seen the white men are generally a lot more affluent. You know so -‐-‐. Not from wealthy areas but they are doing this as a hobby you know-‐-‐ for whatever reason. To help the community. They’ve got a basic job which helps paying for it and it’s generally a much higher paying basic job than most of your black males. CFT: Why do you think that’s important? CA: I think that it’s a -‐-‐. Effec>vely it’s a luxury item. Your white male is in a much bejer paying job -‐-‐ can afford to spend the >me or buy the >me to go reserving as opposed to a black male whose let’s call it painter or manages a small team at a plumbing place and suddenly making ends meet is so much more difficult. So they’ve got less luxury >me to spend in the reserve. (Constable A – 34 year old, white male)
Final remarks • Failure to recognise racial dividend – Society characterised by gross inequali>es (historically informed) – Different worth/value given to labour – Organisa>on that may exploit these crevasses (Constable I, recruitment requirements)
• Further research in different spaces in needed • These findings are part of broader findings which note – Reservists have complex reasons for joining informed both by history and personal experience – Policing is a male excerise, women are alien or anamolies (strong men) – Reservists smooth over difference using symbols such as the unifrom (fe>sh item) – Uncertain of their roles and fear of abjec>on
Thank you! If you are interested in reading the paper Google the >tle Informed in and through difference: The perspec6ves of Johannesburg’s reservists and their role in the SAPS it will the come up in Lund University’s thesis database (LUP) and you can download the document for free. You can contact me on [email protected]
