Models of Adjunction in Minimalist Grammars - Thomas Graf
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Models of Adjunction in Minimalist Grammars Thomas Graf [email protected] http://thomasgraf.net Stony Brook University
FG 2014 August 17, 2014
Conclusion
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
The Theory-Neutral CliffsNotes
Several properties set adjuncts apart from arguments. Which of these properties do recent proposals fail to capture, and why? Does linguistic adequacy increase formal complexity? Insights Empirical Recursive adjunction poses biggest challenge Formal Optionality and iterability of adjuncts necessarily bring about a certain degree of complexity
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Outline
1
Properties of Adjuncts
2
Three MG Models of Adjunction A 1-Slide Intro to MGs Category-Preserving Selection Asymmetric Feature Checking No Feature Checking
3
Formal Comparison
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Properties of Adjuncts
Adjuncts are characterized by a variety of properties: optional iterable recursive adjunction ordering effects (only some adjuncts) no double adjunction adjuncts don’t project
1
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Optionality
Grammaticality is preserved under removal of adjuncts. (1)
a. b. c.
John suddenly abandoned his team. John abandoned his team. * John suddenly abandoned.
(2)
a.
John put the book about Categorial Grammar on the shelf. John put the book on the shelf. * John put the book about Categorial Grammar.
b. c.
2
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Iterability
The number of adjuncts per phrase is unbounded. (3)
a. b. c.
the terrible destruction of the city the terrible unexpected destruction of the city * the terrible destruction of the city of the bridge
3
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Recursivity
Adjuncts can be adjoined to. (4)
a. b. c. d.
the the the the
unexpected destruction [very unexpected] destruction [definitely [very unexpected]] destruction [[very definitely] [very unexpected]] destruction
4
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Ordering effects
Some adjuncts (in particular adjectives) exhibit a default word order. Deviating from this order often has semantic effects. (5)
a. b.
the big round box ? the round big box
(6)
a. b.
a beautiful old clock ? an old beautiful clock
5
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
No Double Adjunction An adjunct adjoins to exactly one phrase. (7)
the caustic, often acerbic teenage gal 6= the often caustic, often acerbic teenage gal ∗
NP NP
AP caustic
AdvP
AP
often acerbic
NP
AP NP
AP
NP
AP
teenage gal
AP
teenage gal caustic AdvP
AP
often acerbic
6
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
No Double Adjunction An adjunct adjoins to exactly one phrase. (7)
the caustic, often acerbic teenage gal 6= the often caustic, often acerbic teenage gal ∗
NP NP
AP caustic
AdvP
AP
often acerbic
NP
AP NP
AP
NP
AP
teenage gal
AP
teenage gal caustic AdvP
AP
often acerbic
6
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Adjuncts Don’t Project
Adjuncts are part of the phrase they adjoin to. At the same time, they occupy an “outer shell” compared to arguments. (8)
a. b. c.
John [VP [VP met Mary] yesterday], and Bill did [VP [VP meet Mary] yesterday], too. John [VP [VP met Mary] yesterday], and Bill did [VP [VP meet Mary] today]. * John [VP met Mary], and Bill did [VP meet Sue].
7
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Minimalist Grammars (Stabler 1997) Lexical items phonetic exponent :: ordered list of features Structure-building operations Merge: combine two trees in one Move: displace subtrees Operation must be triggered by features of opposite polarity Merge John :: d
Merge
punched :: = d = d v
Merge
the :: = n d man :: n 8
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Minimalist Grammars (Stabler 1997) Lexical items phonetic exponent :: ordered list of features Structure-building operations Merge: combine two trees in one Move: displace subtrees Operation must be triggered by features of opposite polarity Merge John :: d
Merge
punched :: = d = d v
Merge
the :: = n d man :: n 8
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Minimalist Grammars (Stabler 1997) Lexical items phonetic exponent :: ordered list of features Structure-building operations Merge: combine two trees in one Move: displace subtrees Operation must be triggered by features of opposite polarity Merge John :: d
Merge
punched :: = d = d v
Merge
the :: = n d man :: n 8
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Minimalist Grammars (Stabler 1997) Lexical items phonetic exponent :: ordered list of features Structure-building operations Merge: combine two trees in one Move: displace subtrees Operation must be triggered by features of opposite polarity Merge John :: d
Merge
punched :: = d = d v
Merge
the :: = n d man :: n 8
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Minimalist Grammars (Stabler 1997) Lexical items phonetic exponent :: ordered list of features Structure-building operations Merge: combine two trees in one Move: displace subtrees Operation must be triggered by features of opposite polarity Merge John :: d
Merge
punched :: = d = d v
Merge
the :: = n d man :: n 8
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Minimalist Grammars (Stabler 1997) Lexical items phonetic exponent :: ordered list of features Structure-building operations Merge: combine two trees in one Move: displace subtrees Operation must be triggered by features of opposite polarity Merge John :: d
> Merge
punched :: = d = d v
the Adjoin
old :: ≈ n clock :: n
big
> old clock
18
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Evaluation
still captures optionality iterability
also captures lack of projection (by stipulation) lack of double adjunction adjunction feature must be checked exactly once
still fails ordering effects recursive adjunction adjuncts have no category feature ⇒ cannot be adjoined to
19
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
No Feature Checking (Fowlie 2013) Adjuncts are freely inserted into derivation Relation R over category features determines whether adjunct may adjoin to phrase R:d >a>n Merge
< Adjoin
the :: = n d big :: a
>
the Adjoin
old :: a clock :: n
big
> old clock
20
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
No Feature Checking (Fowlie 2013) Adjuncts are freely inserted into derivation Relation R over category features determines whether adjunct may adjoin to phrase R:d >a>n Merge
< Adjoin
the :: = n d big :: a
>
the Adjoin
old :: a clock :: n
big
> old clock
20
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Adding Order All intervening adjuncts must also be lower on the hierarchy. R : d > size > age > n Merge Adjoin
the :: = n d big :: size
Adjoin old :: age clock :: n
21
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Recursion Adjunct need not be daughter of Adjoin node. R : d > size > age > n ∪ deg > size > age Merge Adjoin
the :: = n d Adjoin
Adjoin
very :: deg big :: size old :: age clock :: n
22
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Summary of Linguistic Evaluation
optional iterable recursive no double adjunction ordering effects correct projection
Cat. Preserv. X X ∼ ∼
Asymm. X X ∼ X ∼ X
Free X X X X X X
23
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Overview of Formal Properties Formalisms are minor modifications of the model-theoretic definition of MGs as constraints over derivation trees (Graf 2012a,b, 2013) Complexity = complexity of derivation tree languages
strictly local vertical swap homogeneous FO[S] FO[
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Models of Adjunction in Minimalist Grammars Thomas Graf [email protected] http://thomasgraf.net Stony Brook University
FG 2014 August 17, 2014
Conclusion
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
The Theory-Neutral CliffsNotes
Several properties set adjuncts apart from arguments. Which of these properties do recent proposals fail to capture, and why? Does linguistic adequacy increase formal complexity? Insights Empirical Recursive adjunction poses biggest challenge Formal Optionality and iterability of adjuncts necessarily bring about a certain degree of complexity
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Outline
1
Properties of Adjuncts
2
Three MG Models of Adjunction A 1-Slide Intro to MGs Category-Preserving Selection Asymmetric Feature Checking No Feature Checking
3
Formal Comparison
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Properties of Adjuncts
Adjuncts are characterized by a variety of properties: optional iterable recursive adjunction ordering effects (only some adjuncts) no double adjunction adjuncts don’t project
1
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Optionality
Grammaticality is preserved under removal of adjuncts. (1)
a. b. c.
John suddenly abandoned his team. John abandoned his team. * John suddenly abandoned.
(2)
a.
John put the book about Categorial Grammar on the shelf. John put the book on the shelf. * John put the book about Categorial Grammar.
b. c.
2
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Iterability
The number of adjuncts per phrase is unbounded. (3)
a. b. c.
the terrible destruction of the city the terrible unexpected destruction of the city * the terrible destruction of the city of the bridge
3
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Recursivity
Adjuncts can be adjoined to. (4)
a. b. c. d.
the the the the
unexpected destruction [very unexpected] destruction [definitely [very unexpected]] destruction [[very definitely] [very unexpected]] destruction
4
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Ordering effects
Some adjuncts (in particular adjectives) exhibit a default word order. Deviating from this order often has semantic effects. (5)
a. b.
the big round box ? the round big box
(6)
a. b.
a beautiful old clock ? an old beautiful clock
5
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
No Double Adjunction An adjunct adjoins to exactly one phrase. (7)
the caustic, often acerbic teenage gal 6= the often caustic, often acerbic teenage gal ∗
NP NP
AP caustic
AdvP
AP
often acerbic
NP
AP NP
AP
NP
AP
teenage gal
AP
teenage gal caustic AdvP
AP
often acerbic
6
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
No Double Adjunction An adjunct adjoins to exactly one phrase. (7)
the caustic, often acerbic teenage gal 6= the often caustic, often acerbic teenage gal ∗
NP NP
AP caustic
AdvP
AP
often acerbic
NP
AP NP
AP
NP
AP
teenage gal
AP
teenage gal caustic AdvP
AP
often acerbic
6
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Adjuncts Don’t Project
Adjuncts are part of the phrase they adjoin to. At the same time, they occupy an “outer shell” compared to arguments. (8)
a. b. c.
John [VP [VP met Mary] yesterday], and Bill did [VP [VP meet Mary] yesterday], too. John [VP [VP met Mary] yesterday], and Bill did [VP [VP meet Mary] today]. * John [VP met Mary], and Bill did [VP meet Sue].
7
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Minimalist Grammars (Stabler 1997) Lexical items phonetic exponent :: ordered list of features Structure-building operations Merge: combine two trees in one Move: displace subtrees Operation must be triggered by features of opposite polarity Merge John :: d
Merge
punched :: = d = d v
Merge
the :: = n d man :: n 8
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Minimalist Grammars (Stabler 1997) Lexical items phonetic exponent :: ordered list of features Structure-building operations Merge: combine two trees in one Move: displace subtrees Operation must be triggered by features of opposite polarity Merge John :: d
Merge
punched :: = d = d v
Merge
the :: = n d man :: n 8
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Minimalist Grammars (Stabler 1997) Lexical items phonetic exponent :: ordered list of features Structure-building operations Merge: combine two trees in one Move: displace subtrees Operation must be triggered by features of opposite polarity Merge John :: d
Merge
punched :: = d = d v
Merge
the :: = n d man :: n 8
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Minimalist Grammars (Stabler 1997) Lexical items phonetic exponent :: ordered list of features Structure-building operations Merge: combine two trees in one Move: displace subtrees Operation must be triggered by features of opposite polarity Merge John :: d
Merge
punched :: = d = d v
Merge
the :: = n d man :: n 8
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Minimalist Grammars (Stabler 1997) Lexical items phonetic exponent :: ordered list of features Structure-building operations Merge: combine two trees in one Move: displace subtrees Operation must be triggered by features of opposite polarity Merge John :: d
Merge
punched :: = d = d v
Merge
the :: = n d man :: n 8
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Minimalist Grammars (Stabler 1997) Lexical items phonetic exponent :: ordered list of features Structure-building operations Merge: combine two trees in one Move: displace subtrees Operation must be triggered by features of opposite polarity Merge John :: d
> Merge
punched :: = d = d v
the Adjoin
old :: ≈ n clock :: n
big
> old clock
18
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Evaluation
still captures optionality iterability
also captures lack of projection (by stipulation) lack of double adjunction adjunction feature must be checked exactly once
still fails ordering effects recursive adjunction adjuncts have no category feature ⇒ cannot be adjoined to
19
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
No Feature Checking (Fowlie 2013) Adjuncts are freely inserted into derivation Relation R over category features determines whether adjunct may adjoin to phrase R:d >a>n Merge
< Adjoin
the :: = n d big :: a
>
the Adjoin
old :: a clock :: n
big
> old clock
20
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
No Feature Checking (Fowlie 2013) Adjuncts are freely inserted into derivation Relation R over category features determines whether adjunct may adjoin to phrase R:d >a>n Merge
< Adjoin
the :: = n d big :: a
>
the Adjoin
old :: a clock :: n
big
> old clock
20
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Adding Order All intervening adjuncts must also be lower on the hierarchy. R : d > size > age > n Merge Adjoin
the :: = n d big :: size
Adjoin old :: age clock :: n
21
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Recursion Adjunct need not be daughter of Adjoin node. R : d > size > age > n ∪ deg > size > age Merge Adjoin
the :: = n d Adjoin
Adjoin
very :: deg big :: size old :: age clock :: n
22
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Summary of Linguistic Evaluation
optional iterable recursive no double adjunction ordering effects correct projection
Cat. Preserv. X X ∼ ∼
Asymm. X X ∼ X ∼ X
Free X X X X X X
23
Adjunct Properties
MG Adjunction
Formal Comparison
Conclusion
Overview of Formal Properties Formalisms are minor modifications of the model-theoretic definition of MGs as constraints over derivation trees (Graf 2012a,b, 2013) Complexity = complexity of derivation tree languages
strictly local vertical swap homogeneous FO[S] FO[
